Tuesday, February 28, 2012

Dear Professor Krugman: Please Stop Abusing Accounting Identities

So Krugman has this graph on his blog again today (for the second time):


The blue line is gross private savings, the red line is gross private investment. Krugman interprets this as showing an increase in people's desire to save relative to their desire to invest:
This huge move into surplus reflects the end of the housing bubble, a sharp rise in household saving, and a slump in business investment due to lack of customers.
Given this reality, it’s not hard to see why massive government borrowing hasn’t led to soaring interest rates; we’re awash in saving with no place to go. And that’s also why we’re in a liquidity trap, in which large increases in the monetary base don’t lead to inflation. ... Unless the confidence fairy arrives, causing households and businesses to suddenly ramp up their spending despite high unemployment and weak sales, deficit reduction will only intensify the problem of excessive savings relative to perceived investment opportunities
No, no, no! You cannot do that!

Don't get me wrong, I agree completely with his conclusion here. But this graph does not give it an iota of support. The fact that private saving has increased relative to private investment tells you nothing about what is causing what. It's rather shocking, actually, that Krugman would do this: Anyone familiar with Keynes, or who understand the national accounts, both of which he surely is, should not be making this mistake.

See here's the problem: The national income identity is an accounting identity. It's by definition always true, no matter what, that

S - I = G - T + X - M

private savings minus investment equals the government deficit plus net exports. Any excess of private savings over investment must, as a matter of accounting, equal the sum of net lending to the government and to the rest of the world. Or in terms of the National Income and Product Accounts, gross private savings + gross government savings = gross private investment + gross public investment + the current account balance. (Well, plus a typically very small statistical discrepancy.) So the graph above just says that in 2008, the current account deficit (i.e. net financial inflows) was just equal to the government budget deficit, but since then the budget deficit has increased relative to the current account deficit. That is literally all it says.

Here's another version of Krugman's graph:

Blue = Gross Private Saving Less Gross Private Investment
Red = Net Government Saving Less Current Account Balance

The two lines are mirror images of each other because they are showing the same thing. [1] To say that the blue line went up -- that the private sector is now saving more than it is borrowing -- is exactly the same as saying the red line went down -- that the government is now borrowing more than the rest of the world is lending. But since this relationship always holds by definition, it tells us nothing at all about which of these changes is cause, and which is effect. Anything -- anything at all -- that causes the government budget deficit to increase, or the current account deficit to decrease, will result in an increase in private savings relative to private investment. That's just the way the national accounts work.

Another way of looking at it: If the federal government did balance its budget, then the gap between private savings and private investment would necessarily close. Now Krugman (and I) think it would close because the resulting fall in national income would force households to reduce their savings. A conservative might say that it would be because private investment would increase. But one way or another, in a closed economy, if the government is not borrowing then private saving and private investment must converge since there's no one else for the aggregate private sector to lend to. So when the gap closed -- as, again, it would have to -- that would tell us nothing whatsoever about which of these stories was true.

This is a long post, and not as clear as it should be. But the point is important. An increase in desired savings relative to desired investment (at a given level of income) will always reduce aggregate demand and income. But what change, if any, it leads to in the gap between actual savings and investment depend entirely on what happens to the government and external balances. In a closed economy without government deficits, private savings will always equal private investment, but people's decisions to save more or less, or invest more or less, will still produce fluctuations in income. Understanding this -- that the equality of savings and investment is maintained by adjustments in income -- was, arguably, the key advance made by Keynes in the General Theory. Suggesting that S and I can vary independently is not just wrong, it is, as they say, unacceptable dirty pedagogy. It's a way of making a valid (and important) point that leaves Krugman's readers less able to reason coherently about the economy.


UPDATE: Trying again.

In a closed economy with a balanced government budget, private saving always equals private investment. Keynesians and (neo)classical economists agree on this. We also agree, in principle, that savings and investment are both functions of income (Y) and interest rates (i), and we all think that dS/dY > dI/dY > 0, dI/di < 0 and dS/di > 0. When you speak of a change in investment or savings, you implicitly mean investment and savings at any given income and interest rate, i.e. and upward or downward shift of the whole S(Y,i) or I(Y,i) function. Given a shift in one of these functions, the condition S=I then requires a change in Y and/or i.

The difference between the macro schools is that Keynesians think the equality of I and S is maintained mainly by shifts in Y, because i can't adjust freely since it also needs to equilibrate the asset market. (And also, I and especially S don't respond much to i.) Whereas the (neo)classicals think the equality of I and S is maintained entirely by shifts in i, because Y is fixed on the supply side. (And also, S and especially I don't respond much to Y.) But both of these stories are stories of what keeps S equal to I. Whether S and I in fact diverge, depends entirely on the behavior of the government budget and the current account. In a country where the government adopted a pro-cyclical budget, we would see private investment run ahead of private savings in a recession. But that would't in any way invalidate Keynesian theory or be evidence against the claim that it was an increase in desired savings that caused the recession. On the other hand, in the actual world where government budgets behave countercyclically, that fact in itself will cause private savings to rise relative to private investment in recessions. But even a dyed in the wool Keynesian [2] like me cannot accept the argument -- the logical implication of Krugman's post -- that the fact that the government is running a deficit is itself sufficient proof that a government deficit is desirable.

Is that any better?


SECOND UPDATE: You know what? I think I'm wrong on this.

I mean, I'm not literally wrong. (That would be embarrassing.) Everything I said here is true in principle. But I've committed the common economist's sin of getting caught up in logic and missing what's actually at stake.

It is true, as I said, that there no reason that a fall in private expenditure MUST lead to an increase in private savings relative to private investment. In principle, it could just as easily have the opposite effect. But in practice it is true, as long as we add some other assumption: (1) Desired private savings responds more strongly to changes in income than does private investment; (2) the government balance has a strong tendency to move toward surplus when incomes rise, and towards deficit when income falls; (3) the trade balance has a strong tendency to move toward deficit when income rises, and toward surplus when income falls; and (4) there are no large exogenous shocks to net exports or the government balance. That's a lot of assumptions, and Krugman doesn't spell any of them out. Well, but it's a blog; the important thing is, they are all good assumptions for the contemporary US. (Tho 4 in particular is definitely not a good assumption for other times and places.) So as a matter of fact using the gap between private savings and private investment to support our (shared) preferred story of the recession, is perfectly reasonable. And he is certainly right to point out that ISLM tells you that such a fall in private demand should be associated with lower market interest rates unless some other source of autonomous demand (i.e. government deficits above and beyond the automatic stabilizers) rises by more.



[1] Well, the same thing up to the statistical discrepancy. Why the discrepancy was unusually large in the mid-2000s, I don't know.

[2] Post Keynesian? Structuralist? What should we call ourselves?

12 comments:

  1. "Why is the statistical discrepancy unusually large in the mid-2000s?"

    I don't either , but Richard Koo has pointed it out and even went so far as to contact officials at the responsible agencies for an explanation. The answer he got was " Gee , I dunno " , essentially.

    I think your paper is important because it at least directs attention to the crux of our problem , which is burdensome debt. However , in discussing the various regimes of leveraging/deleveraging of private debt , you leave the big picture of "total" debt aside , and that tells the story of the important regime shift that occurred around 1980.

    If you combined the debt/gdp trajectories shown in your first chart :

    http://rortybomb.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/figure1.png

    into a total debt chart combining gov't plus private nonfinancial debt/gdp , you would see clearly that something happened around 1980 that broke the established pattern of countercyclicality of gov't debt with private debt , with the current account taking up the slack by going into deficit. This was the real "regime change" that should be the topic of policy discussions today.

    This regime change was noted by economist Ben Friedman as early as 1987 :

    http://www.sciencemag.org/content/236/4800/397.abstract

    "Until the 1980s the outstanding indebtedness of government and private-sector borrowers in the United States exhibited sufficient negative covariation that total outstanding debt remained steady relative to nonfinancial economic activity. Three hypotheses—one based on lenders' behavior, one on borrowers' behavior, and one on credit market institutional arrangements—provide potential explanations for this phenomenon. Since 1980 the U.S. debt markets have departed from these previously prevailing patterns, however, as both government and private borrowing have risen sharply."

    So , for example , while households in aggregate may not have levered up too heavily during the 1981-1999 period , as you noted , gov't did lever up - and heavily - for much of that time. To compare that era to any in the pre-1980 period without noting that crucial fact will result in a misunderstanding of the debt dynamics of the U.S. economy , and how it changed for the worst post-1980.

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  2. Heading off topic, but in my ignorance I wiki'd Ben Friedman and followed a link to a review by Brad DeLong of his book The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth from 2005. The review is called 'Growth is Good' and quite interesting in hindsight, and very 2005. DeLong summarizes the book to conclude that

    "modern society is a bicycle, with economic growth being the forward momentum that keeps the wheels spinning. As long as the wheels of a bicycle are spinning rapidly, it is a very stable vehicle indeed. But, he argues, when the wheels stop—even as the result of economic stagnation, rather than a downturn or a depression—political democracy, individual liberty, and social tolerance are then greatly at risk even in countries where the absolute level of material prosperity remains high."

    And he presents this as the essential neoliberal viewpoint. And I think that says a lot about how neoliberal or otherwise various responses to the crisis have been.

    The left wants the pie to be shared more equally; the right wants a smaller pie.
    The right wants the pie to be shared less equally; the left wants a bigger pie. Etc.

    Maybe the pro-austerity brigade are all neocons after all, even if they mostly don't know it.

    The review concludes like this:

    "What will the moral consequences of unequally distributed prosperity be? Friedman fears, and perhaps for good reason, that they will resemble the consequences of economic stagnation. People who feel that they are living no better, or not much better, than their parents will search for enemies: Hollywood writers, foreigners, people of “loose” morals, and Harvard graduates. And America will become a less free and less democratic society."

    [...]

    "I find myself more optimistic. This is not to say that I disagree with the political program for America today that can be drawn out of Friedman’s book: the pro-growth, pro-opportunity, pro-social-insurance policies of today’s national Democratic Party are mother’s milk to me. But I do not think we look forward to the generation of stagnation in the working and the middle classes that Friedman fears. Yes, the past generation has been a distributional disaster for America. Yes, at some point in the future the “outsourcing” of jobs made possible by modern telecommunications and computer technologies will produce enormous structural change in the American economy. But the population of the United States is growing slowly. The desirability of the United States as a place in which to locate economic activity is growing rapidly: the underlying engine of technological progress is spinning faster than it has in at least a generation. I see rising working- and middle-class incomes in America during the next generation generating what is in Friedman’s terms a virtuous, not a vicious, circle."

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  3. I don't know if it's better or not , since you've limited the discussion to only two possibilities :

    "where the government adopted a pro-cyclical budget"
    and
    "in the actual world where government budgets behave countercyclically"

    As I mentioned in the post above , since 1980 - and particularly under Reagan and Dubya - the actual world we've been living in is one in which both pro- and countercyclical gov't deficits have been common , and of a size such that gov't debt/gdp grew for most of the period , along with private debt/gdp.

    It's easy to see how investment might get ahead of itself after a period of such double-dipped private and public spending. It seems Krugman is simply noting that the private sector has recognized the investment binge for what it was , and is now sleeping it off.

    Of course , if we'd kept an eye on distributional issues , we might have avoided this mess. When your new study of private debt looks at the distribution , I think you'll find that those in the bottom 80-90% were , in fact , levering up all along in an attempt to maintain lifestyles in the face of stagnant or falling wages. In an age where the top 1% captures a quarter of all income , aggregate data conceals more than it reveals.

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  4. JW what's your view of this MMT account of how the propensities to save/dissave by the govt and non-govt sectors are equilibrated?

    http://www.neweconomicperspectives.org/2009/07/sector-financial-balances-model-of_26.html

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    1. Thanks for pointing that out. I replied over there. I think the argument is correct, but it proves less than they want it to prove. Basically, he is just spelling out the relationships underlying the Samuelson cross, and then implicitly assuming that the financial system supplies liquidity infinitely elastically.

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  5. Oops! I didn't realize I was commenting on a two-year old post. That was silly. Well, here is what I wrote in response to the post Anders links to. I might expand this into a full post here at some point.


    It seems to me that Scott Fullwiler's argument can be summarized as:

    (1) Sector financial balances must sum to zero.

    (2) This equality is maintained by fluctuations in income.

    (3) Desired private net saving rises with income. (Because desired household savings rises more rapidly with income than does desired business investment - you did not say this but should have.) Government savings rises with income. And foreign savings (i.e. the current account deficit) rises with income.

    (4) Since we observe *actual* private saving fall rather than rise with income (it is highest in recessions; this is obvious in your graphs but the text does not state it clearly), we know that it is shifts in desired private balances that drive fluctuations in income, with government and foreign balances as accomodating variables.

    This is all correct as far as it goes, but I don't think it goes as far as you want. In particular, this says nothing about interest rates or financial markets. (Implicitly, you assume that the supply of liquidity is infinitely elastic.) The ISLM model by contrast is supposed to combine the kinds of relationships you describe here, as reflected in the IS curve, with an interest rate determined by a less than perfectly elastic supply of liquid assets. So this approach cannot replace ISLM unless you have already decided, on independent grounds, that interest rates and liquidity preference play no role in fluctuations.

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    1. Thanks JW. I agree that Fullwiler's approach is limited, and I'm frustrated that he hasn't tried to do more with it.

      Do you at least agree with Fullwiler that the right response to Krugman's confused causality is some kind of cross diagram, whether IS/LM or something else, representing economic variables as the ex post result of varying propensities?

      Ultimately, Fullwiler seems to be attempting to displace the whole IS/LM edifice, on the grounds that IS/LM relies on the loanable funds model, which is obviously unacceptable to Post-Keynesians who highlight that loans create deposits. Whilst PKs might not say that liquidity is infinitely elastic, they would presumably say that lending is self-funding, with the limiting factor on credit expansion being borrower credit quality and bank capital.

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  6. Anonymous-

    Please use a handle of some kind! "As I mentioned above" is not informative when there are multiple people commenting as anonymous.

    On the substance-

    This post is not really related to the paper on debt dynamics. it is just making the point that you cannot interpret changes in actual saving (given CHANGES in income, interest rate, etc.) as shifts in desired savings (as a GIVEN income, interest rate, etc.). For example, if an open economy faces a large negative shock to exports, we might well see a fall in income combined with a *fall* in the private savings rate. But countercyclical public borrowing would be every bit as effective in mitigating the demand shock in that case in the case of the shock due to a fall in desired domestic expenditure.

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  7. When your new study of private debt looks at the distribution , I think you'll find that those in the bottom 80-90% were , in fact , levering up all along in an attempt to maintain lifestyles in the face of stagnant or falling wages.

    Everybody on the left believe this, but I'm afraid that -- prior to the late 1990s -- it just is not true.

    The next version of the paper will have some data on debt ratios by income quintile. The picture does not change significantly if you exclude the top 20%.

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  8. "Keynesians think the equality of I and S is maintained mainly by shifts in Y ...(neo)classicals think the equality of I and S is maintained entirely by shifts in i, "

    Very nicely succinct explanation!

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  9. Do you at least agree with Fullwiler that the right response to Krugman's confused causality is some kind of cross diagram, whether IS/LM or something else, representing economic variables as the ex post result of varying propensities?

    Oh yes. The second update to this post was inspired directly by reading Fullwiler's piece. If Krugman had spelled out a Fullwiler-type analysis (or at least pointed to one) I would't have objected to his post in the first place. One big advantage of the MMT and SFC approaches is that they are scrupulous about combining behavioral equations and accounting identities without mixing them up.

    Ultimately, Fullwiler seems to be attempting to displace the whole IS/LM edifice, on the grounds that IS/LM relies on the loanable funds model, which is obviously unacceptable to Post-Keynesians who highlight that loans create deposits. Whilst PKs might not say that liquidity is infinitely elastic, they would presumably say that lending is self-funding, with the limiting factor on credit expansion being borrower credit quality and bank capital.

    Well. First of all, it is simply wrong to say that ISLM is based on a loanable-funds model. (I don't know if that's Fullwiler's mistake or your gloss on him.) The LM model of interest rates being set by the demand for liquid assets is explicitly rejecting the loanable-funds view of the classics that the interest rate is set by the demand for present vs. future consumption.

    The way I like to think of it, we can have a vertical money-supply curve, as do the monetarists and the textbooks. Or we can have a horizontal money-supply curve, as do PKs like Basil Moore and also MMT, in which case interest rates are exogenous to the asset market -- the usual formulation is "the central bank sets the interest rate", with the money supply then adjusting passively. Note that MMT and monetarists agree that financial markets have nothing to do with the interest rate -- MMT thinks it's set by the central bak, monetarists (and classicals in general) think it's set by "real" factors. But in between is the older Keynesian view, which I share -- that the supply of liquid assets is elastic but less than perfecto elastic, i.e. we should represent the supply of money (or money-like assets) in Y-i space as neither vertical (as in the textbook) nor horizontal (MMT) but as upward-sloping.

    Note that the MMT view that "the" interest rate is simply set by the central bank actually is closer to today's mainstream orthodox than the textbook ("bastard") Keynsian view that the interest rate is set by the interplay of supply and demand for liquidity in the asset markets, which the central bank can influence but not always control.

    Now coming back to Fullwiler's post, note that what's missing from it is any mention of interest rates. It's basically an elaborated version of the old Samuelson cross, where desired expenditure is entirely a function of income flows, and income is determined by expenditure. This mode of argument goes quite a long ways -- certainly, in my mind, doing an analysis entirely in terms of current flows is preferable to the mainstream intertemporal Walrasian approach where flows don't come in at all. But I think both are inferior to Keynes' analysis, which sees expenditures as determined both by income flows and by asset prices, including the interest rate.

    As a practical matter, the claim that lending is self-funding amounts to the claim that the financial system is never constrained by liquidity. It's a useful corrective to the all-too-widspread commodity money view, but if it's applied too dogmatically it can end up being just as unrealistic.

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  10. JM - many thanks for the comprehensive reply. (I'm conscious that since we all agree that some kind of cross diagram is the right approach here, the relative merits of the 'balances cross' [is there a technical term for this chart?] and ISLM should perhaps fall into another post..)

    It is probably an erroneous gloss on my part to construe ISLM as accepting loanable funds. But most ISLM analyses I have seen have an upward-sloping LM curve, which suggests that deficit spending will always have at least an initial effect of increasing interest rates (which seems to me to reflect an underlying view about govt and private sector competing for finite 'loanable funds'). Keynesians are then forced, in order to justify deficit spending, to make claims about multipliers which provide second-order effects 'crowding in' investment, sufficient to outweigh the first-order 'crowding out' effect. The argument then seems to founder on the empirical issues surrounding the estimation of multipliers (which seem rife with disagreement).

    To my mind, you shouldn't need to refer to multipliers at all in explaining why it is that deficit spending is more often associated with a fall in interest rates. MMT points out that an ex post deficit represents a surplus which the non-govt sector is _willing_ to run, and so there should be no reason for interest rates to rise to _persuade_ the private sector to buy the increased level of govt bonds that 'need' to be sold as a result.

    But back to the 'balances cross' diagram vs ISLM. I'd agree that the diagram omits any reference to interest rates. But doesn't ISLM itself omit any reference to propensities to run a financial surplus or deficit? It's not obvious to me how a single analytical framework could cover both in relation to GDP growth; surely you need to make a choice, depending on what you see as the most important variable to analyse.

    ISLM seems the right framework for someone who is committed to monetary policy as the prime measure for macroeconomic stabilisation, whilst the 'balances cross' appeals to MMTers (and all PKers?) who prefer fiscal policy as the obvious macroeconomic stabilisation tool.

    This may sound cavalier, but I whilst the simplification of the 'aggregate non-govt sector propensity to save' represents a degree of aggregation which should provoke some caution in its use, the use of "interest rate" in ISLM seems to stray further into the realms of gross oversimplification. Looking at various kinds of corporate and mortgage lending, it's plain that to understand how interest rates have moved since 2007, there is no alternative to considering separate, distinct effects of the collapse in the risk-free rate, and the widening of credit spreads. The obvious reasons for these two effects are, respectively, exogenous policy movements of central bank targets for overnight rates, and a re-assessment of bank risk/pricing models; liquidity preference doesn't really seem to come into it.

    Shouldn't this incline one to the view that, at least in the current time, if one had to choose a cross diagram to analyse policy responses, it should not be ISLM?

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